Kramer (1983, 1989) proposed that people progress through three broad stages: absolutist, relativist and dialectical. [absolutist reasoning that assumes there is always a single, clear answer to a given problem; relativist reasoning in which the individual has become aware that there are often different perspectives on any given issue, and that the ‘correct’ answer may depend on the context; dialectical reasoning in which competing positions are integrated and synthesis achieved]
In early adulthood, many people are in the absolutist phase: they are capable of addressing many problems, but they tend to believe that all problems have a correct answer. For example, a young person might commence university study believing that it will be a matter of learning facts and procedures, that the lecturers know everything and will tell you what is right and wrong. People in the relativist stage have become aware that there are often different perspectives on any given issue, and that the ‘correct’ answer may depend on the context. Students now appreciate that there are many theories and much conflicting evidence – but awareness of the diversity of perspectives can lead them to assume that very little is dependable. So, for example, your lecturer could spring a new theory on you at any time, and could herself be wrong. There is evidence that the undergraduate experience (where one is regularly dealing with conflicting theories and ideas) can facilitate the development of relativist thinking (Benack & Basseches, 1989). If the idea of relativism seems strange at this stage, make a note to return to this chapter towards the end of your degree! Eventually, in the dialectical phase, people become able to integrate competing positions and achieve synthesis. They can understand why there are diverse views, and they can appreciate that the overall progress and contributions of their chosen discipline derives from efforts to resolve its internal contradictions. Basseches (1984) found that this type of reasoning is more characteristic of people studying at higher degree level or of university staff. Although aspects of dialectical reasoning can be found in adults in their 20s and 30s, Kramer’s (1989) research led her to the conclusion that this stage is only fully realized in late adulthood. Measuring intelligence Other approaches to the investigation of intellectual development in adulthood are grounded in the psychometric tradition. By applying standardized IQ tests, researchers have sought to discover whether there are age-related differences in intelligence during adulthood. There are many different ways to measure intelligence. K. Warner Schaie and his colleagues have conducted major longitudinal studies of the evolution of primary mental abilities among several thousand adult Americans (Schaie, 1996, 2000). They focused on five primary abilities:
1. numeric facility
2. verbal recall
3. verbal ability
4. inductive reasoning
5. spatial orientation
For the moment, note the data for early adulthood (up to age 40). As you can see, there are modest gains on most of the tests during the participants’ 20s and 30s. Whether we measure this in terms of performance on the qualitative reasoning tasks favoured by investigators in the post formal thought school, or in terms of more traditional psychometric techniques, it appears that intelligence is still increasing well into adulthood. It seems, therefore, that this important dimension of human development certainly does not cease at the end of adolescence.
[K. Warner Schaie (1928– ) was born in Germany and moved to the US in the 1930s. He is now the Evan Pugh Professor of Human Development and Psychology and Director of the Gerontology Center at the Pennsylvania State University. His doctoral research into cognitive flexibility led to the initiation, in 1956, of the Seattle Longitudinal Study. This large-scale study tracks the mental abilities of people of different age groups every seven years, which enables Schaie and colleagues to chart individual differences in cognitive ageing across the lifespan, examining the influence of health, demographic, personality and environmental factors. The study, which still continues today, has also led to important investigations of family similarity in cognition and cognitive training effects in older adults. The participating families are now being followed into a third generation.]
In early adulthood, many people are in the absolutist phase: they are capable of addressing many problems, but they tend to believe that all problems have a correct answer. For example, a young person might commence university study believing that it will be a matter of learning facts and procedures, that the lecturers know everything and will tell you what is right and wrong. People in the relativist stage have become aware that there are often different perspectives on any given issue, and that the ‘correct’ answer may depend on the context. Students now appreciate that there are many theories and much conflicting evidence – but awareness of the diversity of perspectives can lead them to assume that very little is dependable. So, for example, your lecturer could spring a new theory on you at any time, and could herself be wrong. There is evidence that the undergraduate experience (where one is regularly dealing with conflicting theories and ideas) can facilitate the development of relativist thinking (Benack & Basseches, 1989). If the idea of relativism seems strange at this stage, make a note to return to this chapter towards the end of your degree! Eventually, in the dialectical phase, people become able to integrate competing positions and achieve synthesis. They can understand why there are diverse views, and they can appreciate that the overall progress and contributions of their chosen discipline derives from efforts to resolve its internal contradictions. Basseches (1984) found that this type of reasoning is more characteristic of people studying at higher degree level or of university staff. Although aspects of dialectical reasoning can be found in adults in their 20s and 30s, Kramer’s (1989) research led her to the conclusion that this stage is only fully realized in late adulthood. Measuring intelligence Other approaches to the investigation of intellectual development in adulthood are grounded in the psychometric tradition. By applying standardized IQ tests, researchers have sought to discover whether there are age-related differences in intelligence during adulthood. There are many different ways to measure intelligence. K. Warner Schaie and his colleagues have conducted major longitudinal studies of the evolution of primary mental abilities among several thousand adult Americans (Schaie, 1996, 2000). They focused on five primary abilities:
1. numeric facility
2. verbal recall
3. verbal ability
4. inductive reasoning
5. spatial orientation
For the moment, note the data for early adulthood (up to age 40). As you can see, there are modest gains on most of the tests during the participants’ 20s and 30s. Whether we measure this in terms of performance on the qualitative reasoning tasks favoured by investigators in the post formal thought school, or in terms of more traditional psychometric techniques, it appears that intelligence is still increasing well into adulthood. It seems, therefore, that this important dimension of human development certainly does not cease at the end of adolescence.
[K. Warner Schaie (1928– ) was born in Germany and moved to the US in the 1930s. He is now the Evan Pugh Professor of Human Development and Psychology and Director of the Gerontology Center at the Pennsylvania State University. His doctoral research into cognitive flexibility led to the initiation, in 1956, of the Seattle Longitudinal Study. This large-scale study tracks the mental abilities of people of different age groups every seven years, which enables Schaie and colleagues to chart individual differences in cognitive ageing across the lifespan, examining the influence of health, demographic, personality and environmental factors. The study, which still continues today, has also led to important investigations of family similarity in cognition and cognitive training effects in older adults. The participating families are now being followed into a third generation.]
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